Kerala: "Love Jihad (Alert) Campaign" Seeks Minds for Poisoning..

Kerala: "Love Jihad (Alert) Campaign" Seeks Minds for Poisoning..

HOW SAD IT IS, IF WE REALLY LOVE TO BELIEVE THAT THESE EDUCATED HINDUGIRLS ARE HARE WITTED AND LESS BRAINY THAN THEIR PARENTS, POLICE ANDTHEIR 'JEHADI' PREDATORS, TO BE CHEATED BY LOVE..!OR ,DOES IT RATHER SUGGEST SOMETHING LIKE AN O-C-D (Obsessive CompulsiveDisorder) ROOTED IN (lack of)LOVE, FAMILY AND SECURITY?Protectionist attitude toward women in Kerala is now seeing thelimits of absurdity.What is so much there to probe about love affairs between people ofdifferent faiths?What is there to probe into cases of conversion from on faith to otherso long as proselytizing is perfectly recognized as constitutional andlegal in secular India?You convince me by reason (or even by giving me soaps) that Islam orChristianity is a better faith than Hiduism; I start thinking thatHinduism is really not good for ME and take a decision to covert as aMuslim or a Christian.How can then one assume that all this happen only because of inflow ofmysterious foreign funds plus destabilizing motivations linked withit?Why the mysterious inflow of foreign funds, rather, is not checked byroutine regulatory measures than by resorting to ways producing hypes and instilling fears in the minds of people about forcible conversion?
True that parents of at least two Hindu girls allegedly lured by theactivists of so called 'Love Jihadis' did come up with habeous corpuswrits following the disappearance of these girls from their houses.It may also be true that the girls ultimately decide to go back totheir parents on the basis of own choice, in a court of law.But why should this be a reason for widespread fear about girls ofmature age being trapped into 'Love Jihad'? What is the connectionbetween love, choice of life partner on the one side, and theinterventions by the parents of girls,the police and the court on theother in making out such inter religion love marriages involvingconversions as a huge security threat for the entire nation?Would it not have made more sense for the media to take up suchstories beyond the 'user friendly' but boundlessly ridiculous newcoinage in the lexicon of hate politics like "Love Jihad"?The hate response to the so called Love Jihad by the VHP and theobscurantist Durgavahini is also being enthusiastically propagated bya section of the catholic church, SNDP Gen Secretary and a section ofthe Malayalam press. Campaigning in favour of imposing more parentalcontrols on educated Hindu girls of mature age, etc are proposed assolutions to the phantom of Love Jihad . Going by reports, moralpolicing perhaps even uglier than the one resorted by Sri Ram Sene inKarnataka isto set to take off in Kerala under the patronage of VHP, ChristianChurches, SNDP and similar institutions.Fortunately, it seems lessprobable that women will be attracted to these hate campaigns to thepoint of erasing whatever little assertions they try to make oncitizenshipsPlease read four more documents here on the topic :-1. For the past two weeks, the entire JNU community has seen anintense mobilisation against the latest MHRD circular of Sep 12. At atime when students are fighting for their fundamental right to aquality and affordable education, the ABVP has yet again shown itstrue colours by not just completely ignoring the ongoing studentmovement, but actively using its energies to build a viciouslycommunal campaign. The ABVP’s highly offensive pamphlet yesterday wastypical of its politics and ideology - revealing clearly that the soleagenda of the ABVP on campus and in society is to spread communalhatred and curb the freedom of women in keeping with its fascistnorms.The pamphlet tries to whip up a communal frenzy by revealing“evidence” of a massive well-organised racket - a “Love Jihad” - whosepurpose is to brainwash gullible Hindu girls into loving and marryingfundamentalist Muslim men and subsequently becoming “Islamicterrorists” waging war against the Indian state. This entire communalcampaign draws its “evidence” from observations of the Kerala HighCourt in two cases related to “abduction” of Hindu girls. Thefantastic revelations of a massive conspiracy to abduct Hindu girlsand get them married off to “jihadis” (according to the ABVP, 4000girls have been entrapped till date) are based on the sole evidence ofa single witness - a girl who was forced by the Kerala High Court toleave her husband and stay with her parents. The girl apparentlyrevealed the modus operandi of the Love Jihad after a week’s stay ather parents’ home. We have not forgotten that in innumerable cases ofinter caste/inter religious marriages, where the girl has voluntarilymarried, her parents have falsely accused her of being an “abducted”,“brainwashed” minor, and have pressurized her into denying therelationship. In the Nitish Katara case and Rizwanur Rehman case forinstance, the girls (Bharati Yadav and Priyanka Todi) eventuallyrefused to complain against their fathers and brothers, even afteroverwhelming evidence that cold-blooded murders had been committed. Inseveral cases, girls are even pressurized into accusing the boy ofabducting or seducing them under force. In this specific case, thecase has not even been heard in the Kerala High Court. There is not ashred of evidence of any “Love Jihad”; it has not been established ina court of law if the girls’ accusations are in fact true or areobtained under coercion from their families. Far from beingestablished, no investigation has even taken place. Yet the court ispassing sweeping orders and encouraging communal myths. Such atravesty of justice is a shameful assault on the democratic andsecular fabric of the entire state machinery.In such a situation it is imperative that the Home Ministry take astrong position, and refute the Kerala HC orders and challenge it inthe Supreme Court.The Kerala High Court’s orders in this case are highly irresponsible,to say the very least. Let us not forget that the HC’s orders comeclose on the heels of another order passed by the Congress-ledMaharashtra government that essentially sees any marriage betweenHindu women and Muslim men as an offence. The Maharashtra Minister ofState for Home has ordered a CID investigation into such marriages ona demand made by two BJP MLAs who smelt a “conspiracy to increase theMuslim population’’ in the growing incidence of such marriages in thestate’s rural areas. Such “enquiries” into every Hindu-Muslim marriage– be it by Kerala HC or Maharashtra Home Ministry – will be violativeof Constitutional right to privacy and choice in matters of marriage,enshrined in Article 21 of the Constitution.
Without the backing of even basic evidence, the Kerala High Court isfeeding the communal common sense prevalent in society - thusproviding the ideal justification for the likes of the Sri Ram Seneand Babu Bajrangi types to pose as ‘nationalists’ fighting ‘jihadis’!Already, Babu Bajrangi and Sadhvi Pragya project the abduction(‘rescue’) of Hindu girls who have married outside community bychoice, as a ‘nationalist’ act. Why is it that there is no Courtorder, no action from the Home Ministry to ban Khaap panchayats andthe Sri Ram Sene? How come no enquiry is ordered into every suspicious case of honour killing?
Brahminical patriarchy has for long regarded women of upper castes as ‘gateways’ or points of breach into the caste system – requiringcareful surveillance to preserve caste ‘purity’ – and this obsessiveconcern with policing female sexuality has become a stubborn featureacross caste groups. There is widespread consent within civil societyto regard choice, particularly when articulated by a woman asdisruptive of the whole social order. It is the existence of suchconsent for obsessive control of women’s sexual choice, suchwidespread fear of a ‘terrible tear’ inflicted by women’s free choice,that sustains and ‘naturalises’ Bajrangi’s mass abduction spree as apatriotic act. This anxiety unfortunately extends even beyond theHindu community – all communities share it. For instance, the evensome Christian groups in Kerala have unfortunately reacted to thecommunal bogey of a “Love Jihad” by joining forces with VHP andwarning Christian families to police their ‘wards’ more closely.This agenda of spreading a campaign of a “Love Jihad” is inherentlyanti-woman and communal. Note that the “enquiries” ordered by theKerala High Court do not cover cases of Hindu men marrying Muslimgirls! The whole agenda is about demonising Muslim men AND aboutcontrolling the sexuality of Hindu women. The laughable notion of‘Love Jihad’ is a deliberate ploy to further the age-old Sangh agendaof attack on women’s freedom of choice in marriage, right to convert,and demonizing of Muslim men as ‘lustful’. The likes of Babu Bajrangiand Pramod Muthalik openly advocate attacks on women who wear jeans,choose their partners, visit pubs and dare to challenge patriarchalstrictures. During the previous Vidhan Sabha elections in UP, the BJPhad distributed shamefully communal CDs that were carefully engineeredto create the bogey of the ever-deceitful, violent, anti-woman Muslimyouth whose main agenda is to coerce, deceive and rape gullible Hinduwomen.It is high time that we tell the ABVP: we have seen through your‘jihad’ bogey. “Love Jihad” is merely the new brand name of your oldagenda of ban on jeans and Sri-Ram-Sene-type assaults on young women’slifestyles and freedom to form friendships and love. It is high timewomen not just in JNU but all over the country tell the ABVP: we willlove and marry according to our choice. We defy your diktats – just aswe defy the khaap panchayats who tell us we are whores for marryingaccording to our choices. We will resist any attempt be it by Court orany government to police our freedom, or to bring our loves andmarriages, irrespective of community, under any scanner. We demand a law against coercion in marriage, a law that will
q declare it illegal for any group or individual, be they khaappanchayats or Sangh outfits or parents like D P Yadav or Ashok Todi tocoerce adults in matters of marriage;q spells out punishments for diktats and death sentences issued bykhaap panchayats, and also for justifications of such ‘executions’;q that spells out punishments for concerned police and administrationauthorities who fail to protect couples and take preventive actionagainst those who issue death sentencesq that orders a magisterial enquiry to be ordered in every case ofsuspected honour killingq that spells out punishments for parents who falsely accuse women ofbeing ‘minors’q spell out punishments for those who impose ‘dress codes’ on women orindulge in any kind of threats or violence on women in the name of‘culture’ or ‘honour’
Forces like the ABVP and the YFE have made it a habit to bring outsuch communal and casteist pamphlets at regular intervals,particularly when the student community is engaged in a struggle forits basic rights. AISA warns the ABVP and the YFE that such attemptsto vitiate the atmosphere of the campus through such obnoxiouspamphleteering will be robustly resisted tooth and nail by thedemocratic sections of the JNU community."We have witnessed such inhuman acts in the form of propaganda inGujarat in the wake of carnage, that Muslim boys are luring Adivasigirls. There Babu Bajarangi, who was also a major participant incarnage, formed a goon-gang. This gang attacked couples and forcedthem to separate if they belonged to different religions. All this ispresented as defense of religion! We have the case of Rijwan Ur Rehmanwhere Priyanka Todi, daughter of an affluent and powerful businessmagnate also turned around under emotional blackmail from parents andrelatives. Later Rijwan Ur Rehman was forced to commit suicide. In allsuch cases the role of police, state machinery, has been totallyagainst the spirit and provisions of law, the protectors of law actingto support the things totally against the law."(article by Ram Puniyani):-
http://communalism.blogspot.com/2009/11/myth-of-love-jihad.html*BEFORE THE HONOURABLE DIRECTOR GENERAL OF POLICE, KERALA*
Grievance petition submitted by Smt. Sruthi P R, wife of Sri Ayoob V, nowresiding at Valluvanattu house, Copper Villas, Chembumukku, Kakkanad PO,Ernakulam – 682030 (permanent residence at Valassery house, Chellithodu,Punnappala PO, Wandoor via, Malappuram Dt. – 679328).Sir,I am a native of Trivandrum and Hindu Nair by birth, now I am the wife of Ayoob V whose address is stated above. While I was studying for B. Tech in Trivandrum, I happened to know and study about Islam. After understanding more about Islam, I embraced the religion voluntarily. My husband has been employed as head of technical department, in International Shipping Bureau, Cochin. We have been living as husband and wife ever since the marriage took place on May, ‘09. I have been leading a happy and contented life along with my husband beyond all my expectations at the above shown address at Cochin. However, in connection with so called ‘love jihad’, hue and cry, police personnel approached the husband’s Company referred above and threatened the Company Authorities in the absence of my husband by stating that he is a member of ‘love jihad’ group. They have also scolded them by asking “why you have deputed him abroad?” The police have also threatened the Company Authorities by stating that, if my husband has not returned from deputation, Company will be held responsible as if my husband has committed any grave and gruesome crime or any act against the interest of our Nation. Actually my husband was deputed by the above referred company for attending a Ship at Algeria. To my knowledge, my husband was a responsible employee of that shipping company. He was well paid and he was drawing a salary of 37,500+ Other Allowances / month. The company has granted advance increments considering the meritorious service of my husband In view of the threatening words of the police officials under your control the Company Authorities have decided to terminate the service of my husband and on 17/10/2009 (the same day of his return from abroad after satisfactorily completion of the duties assigned to him by the company) have directed my husband to offer his resignation voluntarily or else they will terminate him from the service. They have also directed to return the articles such as laptop, ID cards, stamp, hologram, visiting cards etc. as soon as possible. If the Company by fearing the threatening words of the police officials terminates the service of my husband, we will be put to irreparable loss and mental agony, apart from huge monitory loss not due to any fault of my husband. In fact there is no group like ‘Love Jihad’ as misconceived by police officials and Honorable High Court of Kerala. It is the creation of the media and the anti social elements so as to damage the communal harmony existing in our State. I may draw the kind attention of your good self that several girl students and ladies of Christian and Muslim community have been living along with men of Hindu and Christian communities. But nobody has raised any hue and cry like the ‘Love Jihad’ now raised. My husband is totally innocent in this episode. After I converted to Muslim religion my well wishers found out my husband and arranged our marriage. He has never met me before I embraced Islam. He cannot be blamed for my conversion to Islam religion. I have embraced Islam after I obtained majority. My parents and relatives have neither made any complaints before police officials nor before any court. As I am major and an educated lady holding B. Tech degree in Electronics and Telecommunication, I have got every right to believe and profess any religion of my choice voluntarily. Nobody can be penalized for my voluntary act. My husband is also not liable to be penalized or expelled from his service for the reason that he has chosen to marry me, protect me and maintain me as a responsible husband. My parents are also having no grievance in this matter. In these circumstances I request that your good self may kindly enquire into the matter immediately and give necessary direction to the CompanyAuthorities not to penalize or terminate my husband from his service for the reason that he has married me. Yours faithfully, Sruthi P R (4) Article by Kavita Krishnan of All India Progressive Womens Association(AIPWA). `Love Jehad' is a new phrase coined by the Sangh Parivar – that is being echoed in courtrooms and cabinets across the country. The Sangh Parivar has claimed that thousands of Hindu girls are being lured by Muslim boys into conversion to Islam and recruitment into `jehadi' outfits. And what is extremely worrying is that the Kerala HC, Karnataka HC and even the Maharashtra Government have expressed the same sentiments. The Kerala HC made its comments on `Love Jehad' in the context of two cases where Hindu women had eloped to marry Muslim men. The women's parents had filed complaints claiming the women had been abducted, and the Kerala High Court ordered them to stay with their parents for a week. At the end of the week one of the women had given a statement claiming she had been brainwashed into adopting Islam and shown `jehadi' CDs. Based on this single statement, the Kerala HC chose to order the Kerala Government and the Union Home Ministry to probe what it alleged was a nationwide `Love Jehad' racket. Following this, the Karnataka HC passed similar observations in the case of a 23-year old woman civil engineer who told the Court clearly that she had converted to Islam of her own accord and wished to marry her lover Ashgar and live with him. The HC chose to suspect the veracity of the woman's statement, ordered her to stay with her parents, and ordered a probe by the Karnataka police saying the matter had `national ramifications concerning security, besides the question of unlawful trafficking of women.' Earlier, the Congress-NCP Government of Maharashtra had passed an order to investigate into every case of Muslim men marrying Hindu women, alleging a trafficking racket, but had to withdraw this probe in the face of protest. The Kerala State DGP has submitted a report to the Kerala HC declaring that there is no evidence of any `Love Jehad' movement anywhere in the country. Karnataka's Dakshina Kanada district police has also busted the myth of `Love Jehad.' Recently when Anitha (22) went missing in June this year, Sangh Parivar organisations claimed that she was forcibly converted to Islam by a Pakistan-backed, professional `jehadist lover'. The police, however, established that Anitha was poisoned to death by Mohan Kumar, a serial killer arrested on October 21, who allegedly confessed to having murdered her and robbed 17 other women by luring them with offers of marriage. A top police official told an English daily: "By cracking the Anitha case, we hoped to put an end to this `Love Jehad' controversy once and for all….certain fundamentalist groups that have been carrying out vigilante attacks against inter-community couples for several years have now startedusing the `Love Jehad' theory to justify their attacks."Let us recall that in innumerable cases of inter caste/inter religiousmarriages, where the girl has voluntarily married, her parents havefalsely accused her of being an "abducted", "brainwashed" minor, andhave pressurized her into denying the relationship. Nari Niketans inevery city are full of adult women imprisoned for months because theirparents have accused them of being minors; the Nari Niketans separatethe women from their husbands but freely allow their own parents tomeet and coerce them. In the Nitish Katara case and Rizwanur Rehmancase, the girls (Bharati Yadav and Priyanka Todi) eventually refusedto complain against their fathers and brothers, even afteroverwhelming evidence that their lovers had been killed or forced tocommit suicide in cold-blood. The Kerala and Karnataka HCs hasabsolutely no right to order adult women to stay with their parents;statements taken by such women in forced parental custody are certainto be taken under coercion, and the Courts are highly irresponsible tomake such statements the basis for sweeping orders that perpetuatecommunal myths without a shred of evidence. Such "enquiries" intoevery marriage of a Hindu man with a Muslim woman – be it by Courts orthe Maharashtra Government –violate the Constitutional right toprivacy and choice in matters of marriage, enshrined in Article 21 ofthe Constitution, and upheld by numerous Supreme Court verdicts.Let us also remember that the Sangh Parivar leader Babu Bajrangi ofGujarat boasts of having `rescued' thousands of women who have marriedoutside the caste or community, and forced them to give up theirhusbands. Sadhvi Pragya's organization too used to indulge in the sameactivity. And the Sri Ram Sene in the Dakshin Kanada district hasindulged in innumerable attacks on Muslim and Hindu women who befriendeach other – one young 15-year old schoolgirl even committed suicideafter public humiliation by the Sene. The Courts' observations providea shot in the arm for the Sri Ram Senes and Babu Bajrangis – they cannow claim their attacks on women are acts of `nationalism.' We wonderwhy neither the Courts never pass orders to ban Khaap panchayats andthe Sri Ram Sene; why Courts never order enquiries into suspectedcases of honour killing, but the same Courts are so eager to fan upcommunal and anti-women flames by making irresponsible comments about`Love Jehad'?`Love Jehad' is a communal fantasy – a new pretext to attack thefreedom of women to love and marry by choice, and to witch-hunt Muslimmen. In the name of `Love Jehad,' every Rizwan-ur-rehman can bebranded a terrorist; every Priyanka's right to choose can be denied onthe grounds that she is `brain-washed' by jehadis; every policeofficer as well as every Pramod Muthalik justified in harassing theRizwans and Priyankas in the name of `national security.'Women all over the country will certainly defy and resist any attempt– be it by Court or any government to police their freedom, or tobring their loves and marriages, irrespective of community, under anyscanner.kavitakrish73@gmail.com(The writer is Secretary, All India Progressive Women's Association - AIPWA)http://www.countercurrents.org/krishnan261009.htm.--You cannot build anything on the foundations of caste. You cannotbuild up a nation, you cannot build up a morality. Anything that youwill build on the foundations of caste will crack and will never be awhole.-AMBEDKAR

ISLAM AND TERRORISM

ISLAM AND TERRORISM
BY
DR. ZAKIR NAIK

MUSLIMS ARE FUNDAMENTALISTS AND TERRORISTS..?

Question: Why are most of the Muslims fundamentalists and terrorists? Answer: This question is often hurled at Muslims, either directly or indirectly, during any discussion on religion or world affairs. Muslim stereotypes are perpetuated in every form of the media accompanied by gross misinformation about Islam and Muslims. In fact, such misinformation and false propaganda often leads to discrimination and acts of violence against Muslims. A case in point is the anti-Muslim campaign in the American media following the Oklahoma bomb blast, where the press was quick to declare a ‘Middle Eastern conspiracy’ behind the attack. The culprit was later identified as a soldier from the American Armed Forces. Let us analyze this allegation of ‘fundamentalism’ and ‘terrorism’:

1. Definition of the word ‘fundamentalist’ A fundamentalist is a person who follows and adheres to the fundamentals of the doctrine or theory he is following. For a person to be a good doctor, he should know, follow, and practise the fundamentals of medicine. In other words, he should be a fundamentalist in the field of medicine. For a person to be a good mathematician, he should know, follow and practise the fundamentals of mathematics. He should be a fundamentalist in the field of mathematics. For a person to be a good scientist, he should know, follow and practise the fundamentals of science. He should be a fundamentalist in the field of science.

2. Not all ‘fundamentalists’ are the same One cannot paint all fundamentalists with the same brush. One cannot categorize all fundamentalists as either good or bad. Such a categorization of any fund amentalist will depend upon the field or activity in which he is a fundamentalist. A fundamentalist robber or thief causes harm to society and is therefore undesirable. A fundamentalist doctor, on the other hand, benefits society and earns much respect.

3. I am proud to be a Muslim fundamentalist I am a fundamentalist Muslim who, by the grace of Allah, knows, follows and strives to practise the fundamentals of Islam. A true Muslim does not shy away from being a fundamentalist. I am proud to be a fundamentalist Muslim because, I know that the fundamentals of Islam are beneficial to humanity and the whole world. There is not a single fundamental of Islam that causes harm or is against the interests of the human race as a whole. Many people harbour misconceptions about Islam and consider several teachings of Islam to be unfair or improper. This is due to insufficient and incorrect knowledge of Islam. If one critically analyzes the teachings of Islam with an open mind, one cannot escape the fact that Islam is full of benefits both at the individual and collective levels.

4. Dictionary meaning of the word ‘fundamentalist’ According to Webster’s dictionary ‘fundamentalism’ was a movement in American Protestanism that arose in the earlier part of the 20th century. It was a reaction to modernism, and stressed the infallibility of the Bible, not only in matters of faith and morals but also as a literal historical record. It stressed on belief in the Bible as the literal word of God. Thus fundamentalism was a word initially used for a group of Christians who believed that the Bible was the verbatim word of God without any errors and mistakes. According to the Oxford dictionary ‘fundamentalism’ means ‘strict maintenance of ancient or fundamental doctrines of any religion, especially Islam’. Today the moment a person uses the word fundamentalist he thinks of a Muslim who is a terrorist.

5. Every Muslim should be a terrorist Every Muslim should be a terrorist. A terrorist is a person who causes terror. The moment a robber sees a policeman he is terrified. A policeman is a terrorist for the robber. Similarly every Muslim should be a terrorist for the antisocial elements of society, such as thieves, dacoits and rapists. Whenever such an anti-social element sees a Muslim, he should be terrified. It is true that the word ‘terrorist’ is generally used for a person who causes terror among the common people. But a true Muslim should only be a terrorist to selective people i.e. anti-social elements, and not to the common innocent people. In fact a Muslim should be a source of peace for innocent people.

6. Different labels given to the same individual for the same action, i.e. ‘terrorist’ and ‘patriot’ Before India achieved independence from British rule, some freedom fighters of India who did not subscribe to non-violence were labeled as terrorists by the British government. The same individuals have been lauded by Indians for the same activities and hailed as ‘patriots’. Thus two different labels have been given to the same people for the same set of actions. One is calling him a terrorist while the other is calling him a patriot. Those who believed that Britain had a right to rule over India called these people terrorists, while those who were of the view that Britain had no right to rule India called them patriots and freedom fighters. It is therefore important that before a person is judged, he is given a fair hearing. Both sides of the argument should be heard, the situation should be analyzed, and the reason and the intention of the person should be taken into account, and then the person can be judged accordingly.

7. Islam means peace
Islam is derived from the word ‘salaam’ which means peace. It is a religion of peace whose fundamentals teach its followers to maintain and promote peace throughout the world. Thus every Muslim should be a fundamentalist i.e. he should follow the fundamentals of the Religion of Peace: Islam. He should be a terrorist only towards the antisocial elements in order to promote peace and justice in the society. WAS ISLAM SPREAD BY THE SWORD? Question: How can Islam be called the religion of peace when it was spread by the sword? Answer: It is a common complaint among some non-Muslims that Islam would not have millions of adherents all over the world, if it had not been spread by the use of force. The following points will make it clear, that far from being spread by the sword, it was the inherent force of truth, reason and logic that was responsible for the rapid spread of Islam. 1. Islam means peace. Islam comes from the root word ‘salaam’, which means peace. It also means submitting one’s will to Allah (swt). Thus Islam is a religion of peace, which is acquired by submitting one’s will to the will of the Supreme Creator, Allah (swt). 2. Sometimes force has to be used to maintain peace.
Each and every human being in this world is not in favour of maintaining peace and harmony. There are many, who would disrupt it for their own vested interests. Sometimes force has to be used to maintain peace. It is precisely for this reason that we have the police who use force against criminals and anti-social elements to maintain peace in the country. Islam promotes peace. At the same time, Islam exhorts it followers to fight where there is oppression. The fight against oppression may, at times, require the use of force. In Islam force can only be used to promote peace and justice. 3. Opinion of historian De Lacy O’Leary.
The best reply to the misconception that Islam was spread by the sword is given by the noted historian De Lacy O’Leary in the book ’Islam at the cross road’ (Page 8): ’History makes it clear however, that the legend of fanatical Muslims sweeping through the world and forcing Islam at the point of the sword upon conquered races is one of the most fantastically absurd myth that historians have ever repeated.’ 4. Muslims ruled Spain for 800 years.
Muslims ruled Spain for about 800 years. The Muslims in Spain never used the sword to force the people to convert. Later the Christian Crusaders came to Spain and wiped out the Muslims. There was not a single Muslim in Spain who could openly give the adhan, that is the call for prayers. 5. 14 million Arabs are Coptic Christians.
Muslims were the lords of Arabia for 1400 years. For a few years the British ruled, and for a few years the French ruled. Overall, the Muslims ruled Arabia for 1400 years. Yet today, there are 14 million Arabs who are Coptic Christians i.e. Christians since generations. If the Muslims had used the sword there would not have been a single Arab who would have remained a Christian. 6. More than 80% non-Muslims in India.
The Muslims ruled India for about a thousand years. If they wanted, they had the power of converting each and every non-Muslim of India to Islam. Today more than 80% of the population of India are non-Muslims. All these non-Muslim Indians are bearing witness today that Islam was not spread by the sword. 7. Indonesia and Malaysia.
Indonesia is a country that has the maximum number of Muslims in the world. The majority of people in Malaysia are Muslims. May one ask, ’Which Muslim army went to Indonesia and Malaysia?’

8. East Coast of Africa.
Similarly, Islam has spread rapidly on the East Coast of Africa. One may again ask, if Islam was spread by the sword, ’Which Muslim army went to the East Coast of Africa?’ 9. Thomas Carlyle.
The famous historian, Thomas Carlyle, in his book ’Heroes and Hero worship’, refers to this misconception about the spread of Islam: ’The sword indeed, but where will you get your sword? Every new opinion, at its starting is precisely in a minority of one. In one man’s head alone. There it dwells as yet. One man alone of the whole world believes it, there is one man against all men. That he takes a sword and try to propagate with that, will do little for him. You must get your sword! On the whole, a thing will propagate itself as it can.’ 10. No compulsion in religion.
With which sword was Islam spread? Even if Muslims had it they could not use it to spread Islam because the Qur’an says in the following verse: ’Let there be no compulsion in religion: Truth stands out clear from error’ [Al-Qur’an 2:256] 11. Sword of the Intellect.
It is the sword of intellect. The sword that conquers the hearts and minds of people. The Qur’an says in Surah Nahl, chapter 16 verse 125: ’Invite (all) to the way of thy Lord with wisdom and beautiful preaching; and argue with them in ways that are best and most gracious.’ [Al-Qur’an 16:125] 12. Increase in the world religions from 1934 to 1984.
An article in Reader’s Digest ‘Almanac’, year book 1986, gave the statistics of the increase of percentage of the major religions of the world in half a century from 1934 to 1984. This article also appeared in ‘The Plain Truth’ magazine. At the top was Islam, which increased by 235%, and Christianity had increased only by 47%. May one ask, which war took place in this century which converted millions of people to Islam? 13. Islam is the fastest growing religion in America and Europe.
Today the fastest growing religion in America is Islam. The fastest growing religion in Europe in Islam. Which sword is forcing people in the West to accept Islam in such large numbers? 14. Dr. Joseph Adam Pearson.
Dr. Joseph Adam Pearson rightly says, ’People who worry that nuclear weaponry will one day fall in the hands of the Arabs, fail to realize that the Islamic bomb has been dropped already, it fell the day MUHAMMED (pbuh) was born’

Breaking The News

By Arundhati Roy

Five years ago this week, on December 13, 2001, the Indian parliament was in its winter session. The government was under attack for yet another corruption scandal. At 11.30 in the morning, five armed men in a white Ambassador car fitted out with an improvised explosive device drove through the gates of Parliament House. When they were challenged, they jumped out of the car and opened fire. In the gun battle that followed, all the attackers were killed. Eight security personnel and a gardener were killed, too. The dead terrorists, the police said, had enough explosives to blow up the parliament building, and enough ammunition to take on a whole battalion of soldiers. Unlike most terrorists, these five left behind a thick trail of evidence — weapons, mobile phones, phone numbers, ID cards, photographs, packets of dried fruit and even a love letter.
Not surprisingly, prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee seized the opportunity to compare the assault to the September 11 attacks in the United States only three months previously.
On December 14, 2001, the day after the attack on parliament, the Special Cell (antiterrorist squad) of the Delhi police claimed it had tracked down several people suspected of being involved in the conspiracy. The next day, it announced that it had “cracked the case”: the attack, the police said, was a joint operation carried out by two Pakistan-based terrorist groups, Lashkar-e-Taiba and Jaish-e-Mohammad. Three Kashmiri men, Syed Abdul Rahman Geelani, Shaukat Hussain Guru, and Mohammad Afzal, and Shaukat’s wife, Afsan Guru, were arrested.
In the tense days that followed, parliament was adjourned. The Indian government declared that Pakistan — America’s closest ally in the “war on terror” — was a terrorist state. On December 21, India recalled its high commissioner from Pakistan, suspended air, rail, and bus communications, and banned air traffic with Pakistan. It put into motion a massive mobilization of its war machinery, and moved more than half a million troops to the Pakistan border. Foreign embassies evacuated their staff and citizens, and tourists traveling to India were issued cautionary travel advisories. The world watched with bated breath as the subcontinent was taken to the brink of nuclear war. All this cost India an estimated $2.1 billion of public money. About 800 soldiers died in the panicky process of mobilization alone.
The police charge sheet was filed in a special fast-track trial court designated for cases under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (POTA). Some three years later, the trial court sentenced Geelani, Shaukat, and Afzal to death. Afsan Guru was sentenced to five years of “rigorous imprisonment.” On appeal, the high court subsequently acquitted Geelani and Afsan, but upheld Shaukat’s and Afzal’s death sentences. Eventually, the supreme court upheld the acquittals and reduced Shaukat’s punishment to ten years of rigorous imprisonment. However, it not just confirmed, but enhanced Mohammad Afzal’s sentence. He was given three life sentences and a double death sentence.
In its judgment on August 5, 2005, the supreme court admitted that the evidence against Afzal was only circumstantial, and that there was no evidence that he belonged to any terrorist group or organization. But it went on to endorse what can only be described as lynch law. “The incident, which resulted in heavy casualties, had shaken the entire nation,” it said, “and the collective conscience of the society will only be satisfied if capital punishment is awarded to the offender.”
Spelling out the reasons for giving Afzal the death penalty, the judgment went on: “The appellant, who is a surrendered militant and who was bent upon repeating the acts of treason against the nation, is a menace to the society and his life should become extinct.” This implies a dangerous ignorance of what it means to be a “surrendered militant” in Kashmir today.
So, should Afzal’s life be extinguished? His story is fascinating because it is inextricably entwined with the story of the Kashmir Valley. It is a story that stretches far beyond the confines of courtrooms and the limited imagination of people who live in the secure heart of a self-declared “superpower.” Afzal’s story has its origins in a war zone whose laws are beyond the pale of the fine arguments and delicate sensibilities of normal jurisprudence.
For all these reasons it is critical that we consider carefully the strange, sad, and utterly sinister story of the December 13 attack. It tells us a great deal about the way the world’s largest “democracy” really works. It connects the biggest things to the smallest. It traces the pathways that connect what happens in the shadowy grottoes of our police stations to what goes on in the snowy streets of Paradise Valley, and from there to the malign furies that bring nations to the brink of nuclear war. It raises specific questions that deserve specific, and not ideological or rhetorical, answers. What hangs in the balance is far more than the fate of one man.
For the most part, the December 13 attack was an astonishingly incompetent “terrorist” strike. But consummate competence appeared to be the hallmark of everything that followed: the gathering of evidence, the speed of the investigation by the Special Cell, the arrest and charging of the accused and the three-and-a- half-year- long judicial process that began with the fast-track trial court.
The operative phrase in all of this is “appeared to be.” If you follow the story carefully, you will encounter two sets of masks. First, the mask of consummate competence (accused arrested, “case cracked” in two days flat), and then, when things began to come undone, the benign mask of shambling incompetence (shoddy evidence, procedural flaws, material contradictions) . But underneath all of this — as several lawyers, academics, and journalists who have studied the case in detail have shown — is something more sinister, more worrying. Over the past few years, the worries have grown into a mountain of misgivings, impossible to ignore.
The doubts set in as early as the day after the parliament attack, when the police arrested Geelani, a young lecturer at Delhi University. His outraged colleagues and friends, certain that he had been framed, contacted the well-known lawyer Nandita Haksar and asked her to take on his case. This marked the beginning of a campaign for the fair trial of Geelani. It flew in the face of mass hysteria and corrosive propaganda that was enthusiastically disseminated by the mass media. But despite this, the campaign was successful, and Geelani was eventually acquitted, along with Afsan Guru.
Geelani’s acquittal blew a gaping hole in the prosecution’s version of the parliament attack. The linchpin of its conspiracy theory suddenly tuned out to be innocent. But in some odd way, in the public mind, the acquittal of two of the accused only confirmed the guilt of the other two. There was bloodlust that had to be satiated. When the government announced that Afzal, Accused No 1 in the case, would be hanged on October 20, 2006, it seemed that most people welcomed the news not just with approval but with morbid excitement. But then, once again, the questions resurfaced.
To see through the prosecution’s case against Geelani was relatively easy. He was plucked out of thin air and transplanted into the center of the “conspiracy” as its kingpin. Afzal was different. He had been extruded through the sewage system of the hell that Kashmir has become. He surfaced through a manhole, covered in shit. (And when he emerged, policemen in the Special Cell pissed on him. Literally.) The first thing they made him do was a “media confession” in which he implicated himself completely in the attack. The speed with which this happened made many of us believe that he was indeed guilty as charged. It was only much later that the circumstances under which this “confession” was made were revealed, and even the supreme court was to set it aside, saying that the police had violated legal safeguards.
From the very beginning there was nothing pristine or simple about Afzal’s case. His story gives us a glimpse into what life is really like in the Kashmir Valley. It is only in the Noddy book version we read about in our newspapers that security forces battle militants and innocent Kashmiris are caught in the crossfire. In the adult version, Kashmir is a valley awash with militants, renegades, security forces, double-crossers, informers, spooks, blackmailers, blackmailees, extortionists, spies, both Indian and Pakistani intelligence agencies, human rights activists, NGOs, and unimaginable amounts of unaccounted- for money and weapons. There are not always clear lines that demarcate the boundaries between all these; it is not easy to tell who is working for whom.
Truth, in Kashmir, is probably more dangerous than anything else. The deeper you dig, the worse it gets. At the bottom of the pit are the Special Operations Group and Special Task Force (STF), the most ruthless, undisciplined, and dreaded elements of the Indian security apparatus in Kashmir, which play a central role in the Afzal story. Unlike the more formal forces, they operate in a twilight zone where policemen, surrendered militants, renegades, and common criminals do business. They prey upon the local population, particularly in rural Kashmir. Their primary victims are the thousands of young Kashmiri men who rose up in revolt in the anarchic uprising of the early 1990s and have since surrendered and are trying to live normal lives.
In 1989, when Afzal crossed the border to be trained as a militant, he was only twenty years old. He returned with no training, disillusioned with his experience. He put down his gun and enrolled himself in Delhi University. In 1993, without ever having been a practicing militant, he voluntarily surrendered to the Border Security Force. Illogically enough, it was at this point that his nightmares began. His surrender was treated as a crime, and his life became hell. Afzal’s story has enraged Kashmiris because what has happened to him could have happened, is happening, and has happened to thousands of young Kashmiri men and their families. The only difference is that their stories are played out in the dingy bowels of interrogation centers, army camps, and police stations where they have been burned, beaten, electrocuted, blackmailed, and killed, their bodies thrown out of the backs of trucks for passers by to find. Whereas Afzal’s story is being performed like a piece of medieval theater on the national stage, in the clear light of day, with the legal sanction of a “fair trial,” the hollow benefits of a “free press,” and the all pomp and ceremony of a so-called democracy.
In documents submitted to the court, Afzal describes how, in the months before the attack on parliament, he was tortured in the camps of the STF — with electrodes on his genitals and chilies and petrol in his anus. He talks of how he was a constant victim of extortion. He mentions the name of Deputy Superintendent of Police Devinder Singh, who said he needed him to do a “small job” for him in Delhi. (Singh has subsequently admitted on record to having tortured Afzal in exactly the ways Afzal has described.) Afzal has also said that from the time he was arrested up to the time he was charged (a few months), his younger brother Hilal was held in illegal confinement in a police camp in Kashmir. As ransom.
Even today, Afzal does not claim complete innocence. It is the nature of his involvement that is being contested. For instance, was he coerced, tortured, and blackmailed into playing even the peripheral part he played? In a gross violation of his constitutional rights, from the time he was arrested and right through the crucial phase of the trial when the real work of building up a case is done, Afzal did not have a lawyer. He had nobody to put out his version of the story, or help him or anyone else sift through the tangle of lies and fabrications and propaganda put out by the police. Various individuals worked it out for themselves. Today, five years later, a group of lawyers, academics, journalists, and writers has published a reader (December 13th: The Strange Case of the Parliament Attack, published by Penguin India). It is this body of work that has fractured what, only recently, appeared to be a national consensus interwoven with mass hysteria.
Through the fissures, those who have come under scrutiny — shadowy individuals, counter-intelligenc e and security agencies, political parties — are beginning to surface. They wave flags, hurl abuse, issue hot denials, and cover their tracks with more and more untruths. Thus they reveal themselves.
The essays in the Penguin book raise questions about how Afzal, who never had proper legal representation, can be sentenced to death without having had an opportunity to be heard, without a fair trial. They raise questions about fabricated arrest memos, falsified seizure and recovery memos, procedural flaws, vital evidence that has been tampered with, false telephone records, false testimonies, legal lacunae, material contradictions in the testimonies of police and prosecution witnesses, and the outright lies that were presented in court and published in newspapers. They show how there is hardly a single piece of evidence that stands up to scrutiny.
And then there are even more disturbing questions that have been raised, which range beyond the fate of Afzal. Some of these are critical for a country that is claiming to be a responsible nuclear power. Here are thirteen questions regarding December 13:

Question 1: For months before the attack on parliament, both the government and the police had been saying that parliament could be attacked. On December 12, 2001, then prime minister A.B. Vajpayee warned of an imminent attack. On December 13, it happened. Given that there was an “improved security drill,” how did a car bomb packed with explosives enter the parliament complex?

Question 2: Within days of the attack, the Special Cell of the Delhi police said it was a meticulously planned joint operation of Jaish-e-Mohammad and Lashkar-e-Taiba. They said the attack was led by a man called Mohammad who was also involved in the hijacking of flight IC-814 in 1998. (This was later refuted by the Central Bureau of Investigation. ) None of this was ever proved in court. What evidence did the Special Cell have for its claim?

Question 3: The entire attack was recorded live on closed-circuit television (CCTV). Two Congress Party members of parliament, Kapil Sibal and Najma Heptullah, demanded in parliament that the CCTV recording be shown to the members. They said that there was confusion about the details of the event. The chief whip of the Congress Party, Priyaranjan Dasmunshi, said, “I counted six men getting out of the car. But only five were killed. The closed-circuit TV camera recording clearly showed the six men.” If Dasmunshi was right, why did the police say that there were only five people in the car? Who was the sixth person? Where is he now? Why was the CCTV recording not produced by the prosecution as evidence in the trial? Why was it not released for public viewing?

Question 4: Why was parliament adjourned after some of these questions were raised?

Question 5: A few days after December 13, the government declared that it had “incontrovertible evidence” of Pakistan’s involvement in the attack, and announced a massive mobilization of almost half a million soldiers to the Indo-Pakistan border. The subcontinent was pushed to the brink of nuclear war. Apart from Afzal’s “confession,” extracted under torture (and later set aside by the supreme court), what was the “incontrovertible evidence”?

Question 6: Is it true that the military mobilization to the Pakistan border had begun long before the December 13 attack?

Question 7: How much did this military standoff, which lasted for nearly a year, cost? How many soldiers died in the process? How many soldiers and civilians died because of mishandled landmines, and how many peasants lost their homes and land because trucks and tanks were rolling through their villages and landmines were being planted in their fields?
Question 8: In a criminal investigation, it is vital for the police to show how the evidence gathered at the scene of the attack led them to the accused. The police have not managed to show how they connected Geelani to the attack. And how did the police reach Afzal? The Special Cell says Geelani led them to Afzal. But the message to look out for Afzal was actually flashed to the Srinagar police before Geelani was arrested. So how did the Special Cell connect Afzal to the December 13 attack?

Question 9: The courts acknowledge that Afzal was a surrendered militant who was in regular contact with the security forces, particularly the STF of Jammu and Kashmir police. How do the security forces explain the fact that a person under their surveillance was able to conspire in a major militant operation?

Question 10: Is it plausible that organizations such as Lashkar-e-Taiba or Jaish-e-Mohammad would rely on a person who had been in and out of STF torture chambers, and was under constant police surveillance, as the principal link for a major operation?

Question 11: In his statement before the court, Afzal says that he was introduced to “Mohammed” and instructed to take him to Delhi by a man called Tariq, who was working with the STF. Tariq was named in the police charge sheet. Who is Tariq and where is he now?

Question 12: On December 19, 2001, six days after the parliament attack, police commissioner S.M. Shangari identified one of the attackers who was killed as Mohammad Yasin Fateh Mohammed (alias Abu Hamza) of the Lashkar-e-Taiba, who had been arrested in Mumbai in November 2000 and immediately handed over to the Jammu and Kashmir police. He gave detailed descriptions to support his statement. If police commissioner Shangari was right, how did Yasin, a man in the custody of the Jammu and Kashmir police, end up participating in the parliament attack? If he was wrong, where is Yasin now?

Question 13: Why is it that we still do not know who the five “terrorists” killed in the parliament attack are?

These questions, examined cumulatively, point to something far more serious than incompetence. The words that come to mind are complicity, collusion, involvement. There is no need for us to feign shock or shrink from thinking these thoughts and saying them out loud. Governments and their intelligence agencies have a hoary tradition of using strategies such as this to further their own ends. (Look up the burning of the Reichstag and the rise of Nazi power in Germany in 1933; or Operation Gladio, in which European intelligence agencies created acts of terrorism, especially in Italy, in order to discredit militant groups such as the Red Brigades.)
The official response to all of these questions has been dead silence. As things stand, Afzal’s execution has been postponed while the president considers his clemency petition. Meanwhile, the Bharatiya Janata Party (now in the opposition) announced that it would turn “Hang Afzal” into a national campaign. But it does not seem to have taken off. Now other avenues are being explored. The main strategy seems to be to create confusion and polarize the debate on communal lines. In the business of spreading confusion, the media, particularly television journalists, can be counted on to be perfect collaborators. On discussions, chat shows and “special reports,” we have television anchors playing around with crucial facts, like young children in a sandpit. Torturers, estranged brothers, senior police officers, and politicians are emerging from the woodwork and talking. The more they talk, the more interesting it all becomes.

One character who is rapidly emerging from the shadowy periphery and wading on to center stage is deputy superintendent Devinder Singh. He was showcased on the national news (CNN-IBN), in what was presented as a “sting” operation with a hidden camera. It all seemed a bit unnecessary, however, because Singh has been talking a lot these days. He has done recorded interviews, on the phone as well as face to face, saying exactly the same shocking things. Weeks before the sting operation, in a recorded interview with Parvaiz Bukhari, a freelance journalist, he said, “I did interrogate and torture him [Afzal] at my camp for several days. And we never recorded his arrest in the books anywhere. His description of torture at my camp is true. That was the procedure those days and we did pour petrol in his ass and gave him electric shocks. But I could not break him. He did not reveal anything to me despite our hardest possible interrogation ... He looked like a bhondu [fool] those days, what you call a chootya [idiot] type. And I had a reputation for torture, interrogation and breaking suspects. If anybody came out of my interrogation clean, nobody would ever touch him again. He would be considered clean for good by the whole department.”

This is not an empty boast. Singh has a formidable reputation for torture in the Kashmir Valley. On television, his boasting spiraled into policy making. “Torture is the only deterrent for terrorism,” he said. “I do it for the nation.” He did not bother to explain why or how the “bhondu” that he tortured and subsequently released allegedly went on to become the diabolical mastermind of the parliament attack. Singh then said that Afzal was a Jaish militant. If this is true, why was the evidence not placed before the courts? And why on earth was Afzal released? Why was he not watched? There is a definite attempt to try to dismiss this as incompetence. But given everything we know now, it would take all of Singh’s delicate professional skills to make some of us believe that.

The official version of the story of the parliament attack is very quickly coming apart at the seams. Even the supreme court judgment, with all its flaws of logic and leaps of faith, does not accuse Afzal of being the mastermind of the attack. So who was the mastermind? If Afzal is hanged, we may never know. But L.K. Advani, the leader of the opposition, wants him hanged at once. Even a day’s delay, he says, is against the national interest. Why? What is the hurry? The man is locked up in a high-security cell on death row. He is not allowed out of his cell for even five minutes a day. What harm can he do? Talk? Write, perhaps? Surely, even in Advani’s own narrow interpretation of the term, it is in the national interest not to hang Afzal? At least not until there is an inquiry that reveals what the real story is and who actually attacked parliament?

A genuine inquiry would have to mean far more than just a political witch-hunt. It would have to look into the part played by intelligence, counter-insurgency, and security agencies as well. Offences such as the fabrication of evidence and the blatant violation of procedural norms have already become established in the courts, but they look very much like just the tip of the iceberg. We now have a police officer admitting — boasting — on record that he was involved in the illegal detention and torture of a fellow citizen. Is all of this acceptable to the people, the government, and the courts of India?

Given the track record of Indian governments (past and present, right, left, and center) it is naive — perhaps utopian is a better word — to hope that today’s politicians will ever have the courage to institute an inquiry that will, once and for all, uncover the real story. A maintenance dose of pusillanimity is probably encrypted in all governments. But hope has little to do with reason.

Copyright 2006 Arundhati Roy.

INDIAN ISLAHI CENTER - KUWAIT

In The Name Of Allah The Most Gracious And Most Merciful

Indian Islahi Centre (IIC) Kuwait was re-structured in September 2002, due to organizational changes at Kerala Nadvatul Mujahideen state committee under the honorable leadership of A.V.Abdul Rahman Haji and Dr. Hussein Madavoor.

IIC concentrates in Islamic teachings and taken a leading role to transmit the Quranic message and Prophet Mohammed’s (PBUH) practices to believers. IIC’s mission is to propagate Islamic philosophy and Quran by interaction with the public and eliminate misconceptions or false alarms. IIC have wealthy people resources who are during their free time devote study classes on Quran and Hadith, which communicates a better understating of Islam among Muslims and non-Muslims in a harmonious way.

More significantly, IIC’s activities are unique and differ with other organizations. As an Islamic Organization IIC also gives dominance to educational activities and social charity works. Within the short span of time IIC could organize comprehensive activities professionally which were inspired by other organizations.

It is worthwhile to note few achievements to add its credibility that the first “Eid Gaah” (Prayer at open place during Eid) of the expatriate community in Kuwait was conducted by IIC. With a difference, IIC organized Career/ Personality Development Training programs for young children.

IIC is a counter part of KNM (Kerala Nedvathul Mujahideen), a very prominent Islamic Daawa and relief wing in Kerala and attempts to rectify misconceptions of Islam and fighting against shirk (Polytheism), Bidaa (Baseless Rituals) and also to eradicate superstitions.

IIC could achieve a lot with the blessings of Allah Almighty within a very short period. It has units almost all parts of Kuwait, it started Madrassa (Religious School) with an abridged syllabus by giving prime importance to Quran, Hadith and all other inevitable Islamic lessons. This package will be completed by the end of 9th standard of each child to avoid the difficulties of 10th standard public exam. To avoid the gap between the children and teachers, we have lady teachers for grown up girls and they exchange complete life long matters to lead a healthy Islamic life besides the Islamic subjects. We have well qualified experienced principal and others teachers to achieve maximum advantage of teachings with in a short period. We plan to start our Madrassa (Religious School) in other areas of Kuwait also as the present one is located in Abbassiya.

We have well arranged relief programs, collecting Zakat, Fitr Zakat, Sadaka, sponsoring eternal Sadakas for education, treatment, house construction and also for relief funds of natural calamity and distributing properly to the needy people.

We are having employment cell, special relief wing to help our brothers those who face unforeseen difficulties due to accident, sickness etc. We are conducting Friday Juma prayers in different areas of Kuwait, specially trained scholars are giving lectures on specific subjects in connection with the prevailing situation based up on Quran and Sunna.

We have moving libraries installing in front of the Musjid, and distributing periodicals such as Shabab, Pudawa, Athowheed and books published by eminent scholars and also audio video cassettes, etc.

We arrange Hajj, Umra trips with proper guidance of experienced scholars and having good net work of accommodation, transport etc.

We arrange Ramadan special programs, collective Iftar programs in Kuwait and also arranging Iftar facility to poor people in India. We dedicate this blog to well wishers to search our up-to-date programs and activities also to reading relevant articles and essays of prominent Islamic scholars.

We pray to Almighty to guide us in the right path with good endeavors - Aamin.

May God bless us

INDIAN ISLAHI CENER